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“Just Women” Is Not Enough: Towards a Gender-Relational Approach to Water and Peacebuilding

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“Just Women” Is Not Enough: Towards a Gender-Relational Approach to Water and Peacebuilding

This academic book chapter proposes a new “gender-relational approach” to the research and implementation of water and peacebuilding initiatives. The article argues that within development and peacebuilding organisations the concept of gender has been considered in a narrow sense as solely the role and experiences of women. The author considers this approach as limiting the efficacy of development initiatives. The study of multiple dimensions of gender, including the experiences of men and LGBTI people along with additional intersecting factors such as race, class and poverty are considered necessary to understand complex development situations and produce effective peacebuilding and water sector programmes.

The chapter begins by providing definitions and explanations of the key terms of gender, masculinities, LGBTI, peacebuilding and the water sector. The chapter then analyses the interaction between gender and peacebuilding and gender and water separately. Each section includes a general overview, a critique and examination of the current gaps in understanding identified in the literature and examples from Nepal and Kenya of the limitations of considering gender in a narrow sense. The importance of engaging a “gender-relational approach” is then outlined. A case study example from Kenya is used to show how the “gender-relational approach” can be used to avoid project failure in water and peacebuilding initiatives.

More than Women and Men: A Framework for Gender and Intersectionality Research on Environmental Crisis and Conflict

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This academic article examines the role of gender in environmental and water related crises and conflicts. The author highlights how the effects of environmental conflicts are not gender-neutral and offers a detailed analysis of the theoretical developments in the understanding of the relationship between sex, gender, the environment and vulnerability to conflict and crisis. The author draws together extensive theoretical insight to offer a conceptual framework for undertaking research on environmental crisis and conflict with a particular focus on intersectionality and gender.

The article outlines the differing theoretical accounts of sex and gender from biological essentialism to materialist and poststructuralist feminism. Each perspective is considered with regard to how it positions gender in research and responses to environmental crises and conflicts. The author then highlights feminist intersectionality as a useful framework for analysis.

The article considers how the theoretical debates on sex and gender have manifested in the literature on gender and the environment. Two approaches are highlighted as prominent in the literature, Feminist Political Ecology and work addressing the intersection of gender, disaster and climate change adaptation. The author argues that the biggest challenge for future feminist work on environmental crises is establishing a balance between acknowledging the influence of gender across time and space and engaging an intersectional perspective that adequately considers the local context.

The final section of the paper provides a detailed explanation of the author’s research framework which is designed to effectively engage gender and intersectionality in research on environmental crisis and conflict.

Lost in Transition: Transgender People, Rights and HIV Vulnerability in the Asia-Pacific Region

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This 76-page report examines in detail the current literature on the health-related vulnerabilities faced by trans* people in the Asia-Pacific region. The report focuses on the risks of contracting HIV and experiencing human rights abuses. All literature examined is from post-2000. The report analyses laws, policies and literature on local practices that influence the stigma faced by trans* people in the region which is considered to increase their vulnerability of contracting HIV.

The report opens by giving context to the experiences of trans* people in the Asia-Pacific region. Statistics on the number of trans* people in the region and the size of the HIV pandemic within the transgender community are discussed, however, the lack of precise research and data on the trans* population is considered one of the greatest barriers to addressing their vulnerabilities. The report then outlines the social, and legal factors effecting the marginalisation and discrimination of trans* individuals. The trans* population is considered a heterogeneous group and the experiences and vulnerabilities faced by trans* men and trans* women are considered separately. The author highlights the lack of appropriate and inclusive health-care services for trans* people in the region. The repot concludes with11 recommendations for future research addressing HIV vulnerability in the trans* community.

Fleeing Gender: Reasons for Displacement in Pakistan’s Transgender Community

Hermie Dumlao
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Fleeing Gender: Reasons for Displacement in Pakistan’s Transgender Community

This book chapter presents the findings from an ethnographic case study of khwaja siras in Pakistan. The study involved open-ended interviews with five khwaja siras who had sought legal or financial assistance following a violation of human rights. The research asks two questions: (1) What forms of persecution in Pakistan influence the displacement of transgender people and (2) how does domestic law impact their ability to gain protection either at home or abroad?

The chapter begins by describing the social and historical context of khwaja siras in Pakistan. It then summarises the cumulative discrimination they face due to transphobia, sexism and classism. The author states that there is no agreed upon definition of khwaja sira and warns against trying to fit them into a Western category. For the purposes of the study, however, the following definition is given, “in the broadest sense, khwaja siras are those designated male at birth but who self-identify and outwardly express as female in gender”.

To answer the first research question five categories of discrimination are analysed: (1) family, (2) housing, (3) employment, (4) education and (5) healthcare. Each category is first explained and then discussed using the evidence gained from the interviews with khwaja siras. The interviewees all reported that the persecution they faced due to their khwaja sira identity made them want to flee from Pakistan.

The chapter then address the second research question and looks at the role of police in the discrimination of khwaja siras. The study reveals that police in Pakistan contribute to all of the above five areas of discrimination either by failing to investigate or through directly abusing khwaja siras. The chapter then considers the improvements in legal protections of khwaja siras at a local and national level and proposes three reasons as to why the legal advancements have not translated into improved lived experiences for khwaja siras.

Investing in a Research Revolution for LGBTI Inclusion

Hermie Dumlao
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Investing in a Research Revolution for LGBTI Inclusion

This 29-page report highlights the significant gaps in knowledge concerning the inclusion of LGBTI people in development and human rights initiatives and identifies the research and data collection needed to address this issue. The report also outlines the strategic investments required to undertake the stated research priorities.

The report opens by explaining the importance of investing in the creation of research and data collection infrastructure as they are critical for the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) which focus on measurable outcomes. It is explained that increased data would provide a more accurate understanding of the issues faced by LGBTI people and would offer greater evidence for targeted advocacy. Examples of the use of data that have led to successful advocacy, including successful litigation and policy reform are listed.

The second section of the report outlines the research priorities for including LGBTI people in human rights and development agendas. The LGBTI inclusion index, proposed by the United Nations Development Programme, is discussed as the principal tool for research on the social inclusion of LGBTI people. The use of new methodologies to increase access to data is then discussed, including national-level surveys, macroeconomic modelling and the use of Big Data. Three strategic investments to meet the stated research priorities are recommended. The recommendations involve the increased development of research partnerships and infrastructure, the creation of the UNDP LGBTI Inclusion Index and the funding of existing, new or future research priorities identified by LGBTI civil society.

The report underscores four factors as guiding principles to consider in data collection and research involving LGBTI people. These factors are: (1) the ethical concerns surrounding the safety of research participants, (2) the acknowledgment of intersectional identities, (3) the disaggregation of data to consider the separate identities within the umbrella term LGBTI and (4) the alternative experiences and identities that may not be represented under the LGBTI acronym.

Tamil LGBTQ voices face even greater risk in Sri Lanka

Elena Robertson
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Tamil LGBTQ voices face even greater risk in Sri Lanka

As Sri Lanka, like much of the globe, has responded to the COVID-19 crisis with lockdowns and increased militarisation, the already marginalised Tamil LGBTQ community has found itself under new and greater threat. Nandakumar says that the LGBTQ for Tamil people is one marked by state violence, geographical divisions, issues of political economic and other socio-cultural challenges. LGBT identities were originally criminalised under British colonial rule and have not been changed in the 70 years since independence.

Nandakumar provides a brief overview of militarisation in Sri Lanka, and the status of LGBT people in Tamil vs Sinhala communities.

LGBT activists in Jaffna have worked to set up LGBT-friendly spaces and community groups in the past few years. In response to COVID-19, in March of this year, the Sri Lankan sate extended its military-enforced lockdown to encompass the whole country, which posed a particular challenge for LGBT communities who were no longer able to access the few ‘safe spaces’ that had. For multiply marginalised people this lockdown has had acute economic and psychological consequences. For instance, many LGBT Tamils have been thrown out by their families and are thus ineligible for government support, as support is provided to family units. The author points to the political repression, familial discrimination and general societal threat towards LGBT people and rights.

The author explores the specific impacts of COVID-19 response on the Tamil LGBT community, and provides suggestions for ways to move forward.

Why Diverse SOGIESC Inclusion Matters

Elena Robertson
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Why Diverse SOGIESC Inclusion Matters

Why should people with diverse SOGIESC be part of inclusion efforts in humanitarian (and development) sector programs? A better question is: why would any humanitarian (or development) sector program exclude people with diverse SOGIESC? There is sufficient evidence of the marginalisation of people with diverse SOGIESC in humanitarian and development settings, that diverse SOGIESC inclusion now be a standard component of inclusion across programs.

Two of the four humanitarian principles are directly relevant for justifying diverse SOGIESC inclusion in humanitarian action.

The first principle – humanity –  states that “Human suffering must be addressed wherever it is found. The purpose of humanitarian action is to protect life and health and ensure respect for human beings.” It seems odd to have to write this, but that includes people with diverse SOGIESC: Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights does not state that “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, except for people with diverse SOGIESC who are a bit of a problem, and so feel free to ignore them.” If people with diverse SOGIESC are suffering then action is called for; if the life or health of a person with diverse SOGIESC needs protection, then action is called for; and this action must be undertaken in a way that ensures respect for that person.

The third principle – impartiality – states that “Humanitarian action must be carried out on the basis of need alone, giving priority to the most urgent cases of distress and making no distinctions on the basis of nationality, race, gender, religious belief, class or political opinions.” This means that humanitarian actors should take into account the needs of people with diverse SOGIESC, and if those needs are urgent, they should be prioritised. This is not a call for special treatment, and addressing the genuine needs of people with diverse SOGIESC is not an example of making a distinction of the basis of any of characteristics.

So what do we know about the needs of people with diverse SOGIESC in humanitarian settings? Their experiences in humanitarian settings are deeply influenced by the experiences prior to the disaster, conflict, pandemic or other event that causes the humanitarian crisis. Pre-emergency marginalisation for people with diverse SOGIESC can take many forms, including:

  • Violence from family members and being cast out of homes.
  • Experiencing violence within local communities, exacerbated by perpetrators sense of impunity.
  • Being asked to leave local communities or faith communities (or being made so unwelcome that leaving is the only option).
  • Being bullied at school (by other students, teachers, or parents) leading to early drop out or lower attainment.
  • Experiencing discrimination when seeking employment or on-the-job, or only being offered low-paying work in informal sectors.
  • Experiencing discrimination at public service providers like hospitals or offices.
  • Experiencing violence or harassment in public places.
  • Being targeted by law enforcement for selective enforcement of laws as a form of harassment.
  • Living in a country where aspects of your sexual relationship could lead to imprisonment, or where there is no legal process for having your gender recognised.

Factors including these impact people with diverse SOGIESC in different countries, and in different ways. For example, the experiences of a lesbian, a gay man, and a trans woman living in the same city may be quite different, and will also depend on impact of class, ethnicity, disability, and various other factors. However, overall, the UN Human Rights Council recognises that the impact can be systemic and profound:

“The combination of social prejudice and criminalization has the effect of marginalizing lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and gender non-conforming persons and excluding them from essential services, including health, education, employment, housing and access to justice. The spiral of discrimination, marginalization and exclusion may start within the family, extend to the community and have a life-long effect on socioeconomic inclusion.”

So when a humanitarian crisis happens, people with diverse SOGIESC may be starting from well behind: for stories that demonstrate this, see Down By The River and Pride in the Humanitarian System, or Edge Effect’s Briefing Note on COVID-19.

Violence and discrimination continues during disasters or conflict; and in some cases worsens. For example people with diverse SOGIESC sometimes targeted by armed groups or security officials, or blamed within communities for causing disasters as a form of divine punishment. Even when this does not happen, people with diverse may not access official relief locations or shelters, for fear that they will experience violence or discrimination.

Unfortunately the humanitarian system often does not recognise that these problems are happening or does not have the frameworks, guidance and tools to address these problems. And sometimes the humanitarian system may make things worse. For example, by offering aid on the basis of identity cards, when non-binary people may not have those cards by discriminatory government officials, as happened to Aravani community members in the aftermath of the Indian Ocean tsunami. The effect of this exclusion was to reinforce pre-emergency marginalisation and create a context in which Aravani community members relied upon transactional sex to gain access to humanitarian support. Other examples include defining family or household in ways that exclude diverse SOGIESC families and households, or conducting livelihoods programs where some people of diverse SOGIESC feel they will be unwelcome.

A key problem is that humanitarian assessments do not capture the needs of people with diverse SOGIESC. There are genuine reasons why engagement, collection of data, and analysis of data regarding people with diverse SOGIESC is challenging. Sometime it is genuinely not possible. But often it is possible, but requires intention, creativity, resilience, care and resources. This may include partnership with local diverse SOGIESC civil society organisations (where they exist) or informal networks within diverse SOGIESC communities (where safe to do so). It may involve the use of peer researchers, using storytelling (for example, see Down By The River) or similar qualitative methods. It may require the creation of safer spaces, or dissemination of information about how a person with diverse SOGIESC can safely make their needs known. It may involve a technological solution, where a person can access information over radio, social media or through apps. The solution (including do no harm analysis  is – unsurprisingly – likely to be different in different places. But as the sector invests in diverse SOGIESC inclusion, as we learn from experience, as more specific policy and practice guidance is developed, our capacity to meet the needs of people with diverse SOGIESC will grow.

Humanitarian settings are often complicated, messy, busy and under-resourced places, and it would be easy to respond: we don’t disagree with anything you written so far, but we just don’t have time to add this to everything we are trying to do.  While that would be an understandable reaction, especially from someone who has just pulled a 12-hour day for the seventh time this week, it is also not good enough. It’s not good enough because this is a systemic problem across the humanitarian system – and so it’s not going to be solved by just adding ‘LGBTIQ+’ to the list of vulnerable groups that already overworked person in Cox’s Bazar is trying to address.  It may be solved by an organisational or sectoral commitment to transformation that includes:

  • Training for staff and partners.
  • Development of diverse SOGIESC inclusive frameworks and tools.
  • Support for staff who are unsure how to be inclusive in a particular context.
  • Ensuring that diverse SOGIESC CSOs and communities are part of the system.

This will take time, effort and may involve asking difficult questions or owning up to difficult answers. But the Core Humanitarian Standards contain an expectation that agencies will acknowledge challenges and develop “ways to overcome the constraints they come up against”.

If you’re reading this, then you’ve already started this journey.

The Yogyakarta Principles Plus 10

Hermie Dumlao
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The Yogyakarta Principles Plus 10

‘The Yogyakarta Principles Plus 10’ is a supplementary document to the original ‘Yogyakarta Principles’, which outlines international human rights law as it relates to sexual orientation, gender expression, gender identity and sex characteristics. ‘The Yogyakarta Principles Plus 10’ provides nine new principles and additional state obligations that update 12 of the original 29 principles. The document begins with an introduction to the ‘Yogyakarta Principles’ and explains the necessity of adopting new principles and state obligations due to the significant developments that have occurred within the field of international human rights law and the increased understanding of the experiences of people based on their diverse sexual and gender identities, gender expression and sex characteristics.

The preamble clarifies and defines key terms, acknowledges that the experiences of people with diverse gender and sexual identities, gender expression and sex characteristics are distinct from each other and recognises the intersectional nature of discrimination. The preamble further highlights that the principles are a reflection of the current state of international human rights law and so will require continued revision to remain up to date.

The document then addresses the nine new principles. The key features of each new principle is explained in terms of how it relates to the eradication of discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender expression, gender identity and sex characteristics. The obligations that states must enact to uphold the principle are also listed. The additional state obligations, which revise 12 of the original ‘Yogyakarta Principles’, are then listed in detail. The document then acknowledges the role of non-state actors in the realisation of human rights and offers recommendations for national human rights institutions and sporting organisations, directing them on how best to incorporate the original ‘Yogyakarta Principles’ and ‘The Yogyakarta Principles Plus 10’ into their activities. The document concludes with a list of the state signatories to ‘The Yogyakarta Principles Plus 10’.

The Impact of the Earthquake, and Relief and Recovery Programs on Haitian LGBT People

Elena Robertson
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The Impact of the Earthquake, and Relief and Recovery Programs on Haitian LGBT People

This briefing paper presents findings on the differential impacts of the 2010 Haiti earthquake, and points to the gaps in the humanitarian response system. The paper highlights the ways that delays in aid distribution–to, for instance, women’s rights groups–had devastating impacts for Haitians living in emergency camps.

The paper first looks at the ways in which aid was (or wasn’t) distributed in the aftermath of the earthquake and provides some general background on the relief programming. The paper then discusses the ways in which the earthquake had disproportionate impacts on the LGBT community, including the destruction of (already severely limited) ‘safe spaces’ in Port-au-Prince; the forced discontinuation of services from the only LGBT organisation as a result of overwhelming immediate needs; inability to access safe housing; the inadequacy of heterosexual, cisgender women-centric food distribution systems; high levels of sexual and gender based violence against lesbian women, gay men and trans women in camps; and forced behaviour changes to better conform with gender norms. The report notes the same demonising rhetoric used by western medical practitioners around the HIV/AIDS epidemic: in the 1980s, US doctors blamed Haitian gay and bisexual men for providing a ‘bridge’ for HIV to enter the US; following the 2010 earthquake, Haitian and international actors were blaming the LGBT community for bringing ‘the wrath of God’ down upon Haiti.

The LGBT community also reported their distrust in institutional capacity and willingness to meet their specific needs, citing regular police abuse. This briefing paper provides an important look at how humanitarian response lets LGBT people fall through the cracks.

The report then moves into a review of existing knowledge around the LGBT community in disasters, citing work by Pincha on Aravanis in Tamil Nadu, before providing recommendations for more inclusive development practice.

FOR ALL: The Sustainable Development Goals and LGBTI People

Kirsty McKellar
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FOR ALL: The Sustainable Development Goals and LGBTI People

This 95-page report is divided into three distinct sections: (1) The Development Framework, (2) Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals, and (3) LGBTI Development Priorities. The report begins by providing an introduction to the international development framework, arguing the importance of understanding the framework in order to most effectively use it for LGBTI advocacy. The section then details the characteristics of LGBTI populations and outlines the impact of the exclusion of LGBTI people from the economy. The first section concludes by detailing the current lack of, and critical need for, data collection strategies that account for the sensitivities and needs of local LGBTI populations. The authors acknowledge that the acronym LGBTI may not be appropriate in many non-western contexts and so urge advocates to consider the local context in data collection and advocacy efforts.

In section two the authors argue that despite LGBTI people not specifically being mentioned in the SDGs, the principle of leaving no one behind ensures that LGBTI people can effectively be included in the implementation of national projects addressing the SDGs. The section outlines the distinct roles held by governments, major groups and other stakeholders, the private sector, civil society organisations and UN departments in implementing the SDGs and considers how each sector can include LGBTI people in their initiatives. The authors highlight how the High-Level Political Forums can be a particularly effective tool for the advocacy of LGBTI people.

The third section discusses six LGBTI development priorities: Health, Education, Work and Poverty, Safety, Family Formation and Legal Gender Recognition. Each priority area is discussed in terms of the specific goals for LGBTI inclusion, the main challenges and the advocacy opportunities available in line with the relevant SDGs.

The report concludes by affirming that the SDGs provide an opportunity for the inclusion of LGBTI advocacy initiatives in international development.

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