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We Don’t Do A Lot For Them Specifically: improving diverse SOGIESC inclusion in cash transfer and social protection programs, during the COVID-19 crisis and beyond

Many people with diverse SOGIESC had pressing social protection needs prior to the COVID-19 crisis, borne of multi-layered discrimination and systemic marginalization within families, communities, schools, service providers and societies. There is reliable evidence that the COVID-19 crisis has exacerbated these issues and the needs of people with diverse SOGIESC across the health, economic and social realms (Edge Effect 2020; Outright 2020; UN OCHA 2020). For example, discrimination in education and employment often leads people with diverse SOGIESC to work within informal sectors that have been deeply impacted by COVID-19 movement restrictions. These same conditions often lead to a lack of savings, meaning loss of income has an immediate impact. This may impact ability to pay rent, and force people with diverse SOGIESC back into family homes where they previously experienced discrimination and may be at increased risk of gender based violence. Previous experiences of discrimination may lead people with diverse SOGIESC to delay or avoid treatment at health facilities. Living in crowded areas with poor access to water and sanitation facilities may make following health guidelines near to impossible. Societal discrimination may also lead to exclusion from informal safety nets – such as those provided by birth families and local communities – that are available to support other people.

SOCIAL PROTECTION AND CASH BASED ASSISTANCE

In addressing the capacity of social protection and cash based assistance programs to address those issues, it is essential to consider how well some governments and the humanitarian and development sectors address broader issues facing people with diverse SOGIESC. Unfortunately, the track record is often poor: in sixty-nine countries aspects of diverse SOGIESC lives remain criminalised, in many others there is a lack of specific anti-discrimination provisions and enabling laws (e.g. for identity marker changes), and over-policing of other laws. Even when people with diverse SOGIESC are formally included, policy and practice often falls far short. People with diverse SOGIESC are often invisible in UN and non-government organisation programs. Previous reports have demonstrated large gaps in inclusion frameworks, planning within humanitarian responses, low-levels of funding, little or no training for staff or adaptation of tools, and limited partnerships with diverse SOGIESC CSOs (e.g. Edge Effect 2021). Edge Effect’s Diverse SOGIESC Continuum, explored in the full report, provides aid organisations with a means of assessing levels of diverse SOGIESC inclusion across their programs and internal operations. It encourages a norms-based approach, to focus attention on underlying causes of exclusion of people with diverse SOGIESC in aid programs.

The overwhelming majority of social protection and cash-based assistance documents reviewed offer little or no substantive guidance on working with people with diverse SOGIESC. Similarly, most reports on the economic impact of COVID-19 have little or nothing to say on diversity of SOGIESC, even those focusing on gender or social inclusion. There is little research to support core design decisions, for example on targeting/selection or modality for cash based assistance. Yet these are crucial issues, with lack of identification documents, family ostracisation, lack of bank accounts or mobile phones leading to indirect discrimination as people struggle to access society-wide schemes. Nor is there research on how cash based assistance may intersect with gender based violence prevention and other programs for people with diverse SOGIEC.Some guidance documents at least mention diversity of SOGIESC, advising ‘engagement’ or noting the existence of households not based on heterosexual relationships. But too often that is where the guidance stops, not addressing how to ‘engage’ or what to do with any resulting insights, nor what it means to ‘consider’ non-normative households. Better policy and practice guidance examples included actionable lists of recommendations, highlighted issues for people with diverse SOGIESC across thematic areas including gender based violence, food security, education and vaccine access, or included guidance on complementary programming to address structural inequalities that limit the effectiveness of cash-only programming.

People with diverse SOGIE said programs which add financial capability support or training and job-seeking support were important. However these should be voluntary, as conditional programs that require cash recipients to work or undertake activities could put them at risk in some societies.

Reviews of funding and programming trackers by Edge Effect and by the Global Philanthropy Project found little evidence of funding being directed to meet needs of people with diverse SOGIESC. As well as increasing targeted funding, donors need to make their commitment to diverse SOGIE inclusion clearer. One INGO staff member noted: “[W]hen we submit donor proposals around cash and protection … we end up scrubbing the proposal to be political.” Another said that it does not report SOGIESC data as the donor template does not require it.

The report also addresses risks in the emerging use of digital systems and algorithms. These systems have the potential to hide discriminatory norms in black boxes of code, or to allow tracking of people with diverse SOGIESC through databases, or to ‘out’ people through use of biometrics such as facial recognition.

The silver lining is that the COVID-19 crisis provides an opportunity to model diverse SOGIESC inclusion within government and aid sector programs: to build awareness of diverse SOGIESC issues, to establish new partnerships, and to establish new expectations.

Intersecting Exclusions: Displacement and gender-based violence among people with diverse sexualities and gender identities in Kenya

While many gaps remain, a small but growing body of literature has expanded to address the particular experiences of gender-based violence (GBV) among individuals and groups with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities and expressions, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC). This literature covers different settings, including fragile and conflict affected settings (FCASs) (Moore and Barner, 2017; Gray et al., 2020; Kiss et al., 2020; and others), and urban, refugee and migrant contexts (Refuge Point, 2017; Bhagat, 2018; Chynoweth, 2019; Rahill et al., 2019; Chynoweth, 2020; Marnell et al., 2020; and others). This literature can be situated within wider debates and literatures including, importantly, those focusing on sexual violence in conflict and/ or fragile settings, with studies now also emerging to explore the gendered experiences of men and women alike as victims of sexual violence in conflict (see e.g. Gray et al., 2020). However, the experiences of people of diverse SOGIESC add another layer of complexity to these debates. Evidence shows, for instance, that people of diverse SOGIESC, based on discrimination in their home environment, tend to migrate more frequently (Millo, 2013), can also face heightened violence, and lack access to support and other services (Moore and Waruiru, n.d.; Dill et al., 2016; Rosenberg, 2016; Bhagat, 2018).

This literature review is part of a wider study exploring GBV faced by people of diverse SOGIESC in Kenya. In order to explore these issues through a fragility or/and a post-conflict lens, and thereby adding to the literature on this area, we also incorporate experiences of migrants – mostly from rural to urban areas in Kenya – as well as refugees with diverse SOGIESC. More generally, this study aims to contribute to filling existing gaps in understanding, capture learning, and shape approaches to more inclusive and effective GBV policies and programming for people of diverse SOGIESC, with a particular focus on fragile and post-conflict contexts. It explores the following questions:

  1. What are the barriers to inclusive GBV prevention/protection approaches that take into account an intersectional view, particularly of the experiences of diverse SOGIESC and refugee/ urban-migrant populations in Kenya?
  2. What existing approaches exist to address these needs in Kenya?
  3. What recommendations can we derive for policy and practice?

The Only Way Is Up: Monitoring and Encouraging Diverse SOGIESC Inclusion in the Humanitarian and DRR Sectors

There is clear evidence that people with diverse Sexual Orientations, Gender Identities and Expressions, and Sex Characteristics (SOGIESC – aka LGBTIQ+ people) have specific and serious needs in conflict and disasters. So why are these needs, and the rights and strengths of people with diverse SOGIESC, so rarely addressed by the humanitarian and disaster risk reduction (DRR) systems? 

The do no harm imperative and challenges in local contexts sometimes justifies a more conservative approach. However, at other times, the lack of diverse SOGIESC tailored tools, the lack of training, and the lack of partnerships – among other issues – compound those challenges, and lead organizations to step back from diverse SOGIESC inclusion when they could step up. 

Edge Effect’s report “The Only Way is Up: Monitoring and Encouraging Diverse SOGIESC Inclusion in the Humanitarian and DRR Sectors” provides analysis of:

  • Diverse SOGIESC exclusion in the Cox’s Bazar refugee camps, conflict displacement and earthquake responses in Mindanao and the Tropical Cyclone Harold response in Vanuatu.
  • Gaps in key inclusion frameworks within the global humanitarian and DRR systems which provide little impetus or guidance for diverse SOGIESC inclusion.
  • Why the problem of diverse SOGIESC exclusion seems ‘stuck in place’ within the work humanitarian and DRR organisations. 

Alongside the report, is a new toolkit for evaluating diverse SOGIESC inclusion in humanitarian programs. The report and toolkit centres diverse SOGIESC CSOs and community members in advising, implementing and evaluating the work of humanitarian and DRR actors. 

Sistergirls/Brotherboys: The Status of Indigenous Transgender Australians

This article presents the findings of a discourse analysis of 12 research projects and conference forums pertaining to the lived experiences of indigenous and non-indigenous transgender Australians between 1994-2012. The article argues that while non-indigenous and indigenous transgender Australians experience similar challenges, but that indigenous transgender Australians experiences are compounded by racism in the Australian community in general, and transphobia within indigenous communities.

The author conducted a discourse analysis with a poststructuralist lens of five research projects discussing transgender populations in Australia, and seven research projects, conferences, and forums specifically on indigenous transgender Australians. The five research projects were chosen as they mapped out the health and well-being status of transgenderism in Australia, which was used as a baseline to compare issues facing indigenous transgender Australians.

The research found that all transgender Australians live with economic instability, especially in regards to housing and employment when compared to cis gender Australians, with a smaller-than-average proportion of transgender Australians owning their own homes. Social exclusion was also a common experience and was linked to mental health issues. Mental ill-health including self-harm was reported across the studies. Transgender Australians face verbal, physical and sexual abuse.

In addition to the above themes, a dearth of data on indigenous Australians’ experiences was also noted. The paper presents the findings of the five Anwernekenhe conferences, including that aboriginal organisations had not, nationally, been effective in addressing the needs of gay, bisexual, trans and HIV positive populations. Issues specific/more common to indigenous transgender Australians are discussed, including HIV, alcohol and substance abuse, physical and sexual abuse and community engagement.

The discussion portion of the article highlights the racism and transphobia that transgender indigenous Australians face, including racism from within the diverse SOGIESC community and transphobia within their indigenous communities. The article argues that by coming together around the terms and identities ‘sistergirl’ and ‘brotherboy,’ indigenous transgender Australians are better able to face the intersecting forces of racism, transphobia, and social exclusion.

Human Rights Law and Discrimination Against LGBT People in Japan

In this 2016 report by Amnesty International, the authors flesh-out the inconsistencies in Japan’s application of international human rights treaties, to which it is a signatory, and its own anti-discrimination laws, as they may apply to lesbian, gay, bisexual or trans people living in Japan. The authors note that at first glance, Japan appears to have satisfactory laws protecting the needs and rights of LGBT people, but Japan’s support for the enhancement of LGBT rights does not entirely reflect the lived experience of those who identity has LGBT. Underlying this are deeply entrenched cultural understandings of family and heterosexual relationships. As a direct result, LGBT people feel compelled to conceal their sexuality or gender identity, if possible, for ease of access to professional and health services.

This report is divided into six brief chapters, key areas Amnesty International has identified as in need of policy reform towards better LGBT protection and inclusion in Japan. The first is non-discrimination, which underscores the marginalisation LGBT people face in the absence of direct protection against homophobic and transphobic discrimination.

The second chapter focuses on the lack of employment protection, ranging from refusal to provide benefits for same-gender couples to imposed pressure to conceal one’s sexual orientation or gender identity in the work-space. Access to non-discriminatory and adequate health care is discussed in the third chapter, highlighting the higher rates for suicide among LGBT individuals and outdated practices among physicians. Access to gender affirming surgery and the discriminatory and dehumanising conditions that must be met, including sterilisation, are also discussed

Discrimination towards same-gender relationships in legal practices, including recognition of LGBT-inclusive legislation in some cities, is briefly introduced in the fourth chapter. The fifth addresses discrimination in detention facilities, including the heightened risk for violence many LGBT people experience, and the lack of trans-sensitive penal practices. The final chapter identifies the lack of LGBT-specific disaster risk reduction and response practices as harmful to the well-being of LGBT people, as these are arenas of heightened vulnerability to discrimination on the basis of gender or sexual orientation, among other things.

The authors finish the report with a list of recommendations, aimed at policy reform and changing professional and legal practices that fully and outwardly recognise the existence of the LGBT community and their rights in Japan.

No such thing as neutral: Understanding the implications of COVID-19 for communities with diverse SOGIE in the Global North

This Think Piece is by Kirsty McKellar, one of Edge Effect’s 2020 interns. Kirsty has recently completed her masters of Development Studies at the University of Melbourne. As part of these internships, students are asked to write a Think Piece about an issue or area of particular interest: for Kirsty, this meant exploring the ways in which hegemonic heteronormativity has been reified by the global Covid-19 response.

COVID-19 has had far-reaching and unforeseeable impacts on our world. It has offered us a chance to reflect on—and has made it impossible to turn away from—pre-existing inequalities and inequities. This pandemic has disproportionately impacted people of colour, low-income earners, women, and people with diverse sexual orientations, gender identities and expressions (SOGIE). It is not because members of these groups are inherently more susceptible to COVID-19, but because of the structural inequalities that marginalise them. Marginalised people and groups have reduced access to housing and financial security, have smaller financial safety nets, and are more likely to work in insecure and unsafe industries (such as meat packing, a COVID-19 ‘hot spot’ sector). For some groups, seeking medical attention is not only less likely, but less likely to be taken seriously. This marginalisation stems from many factors: racism, sexism, classism and hegemonic heteronormativity.

This Think Piece identifies the ways in which various global north government responses have reinforced the agenda of hegemonic heteronormativity, and what this means for communities with diverse SOGIE.

Identifying hegemonic heteronormativity

When I say hegemonic heteronormativity, I am referring to a world order and system of governance, upon which heteronormative and cisnormative ideals are maintained and reinforced. Our institutions and systems are designed with the assumption that all people are heterosexual (attracted to people of the ‘opposite’ gender, using the male/female binary) and cisgender (identify with the sex they were assigned at birth).

Hegemonic heteronormativity is built into our government and governance systems: it is the default setting around which all else is organised, as well as a set of rules that those who yield power (such as government figures or influential community leaders) may draw on to exclude and subjugate certain populations. It manifests in the ways certain actions and characteristics are idealised over others. These actions and characteristics are both norms that are legitimised and reproduced by the state, and culturally sanctioned norms created within local communities.

Hegemonic heteronormativity in pandemic responses: The ‘neutral’ provision

For people with diverse SOGIE, the COVID-19 pandemic and response has compounded pre-existing marginalisation around the world. Prior to the Novel Coronavirus, the specific needs and capacities of people with diverse SOGIE were not often considered in disaster preparedness by government or internationally.  

Recognising this, and following the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and global lockdowns, Victor Madrigal-Borloz, UN Independent Expert on protection against discrimination and violence of gender and sex minorities, proposed a framework called the ASPIRE guidelines. This framework aims to advance the inclusion of individuals with diverse SOGIE backgrounds in COVID-19 responses.

ASPIRE calls for the explicit acknowledgment that Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender (LGBT) and gender diverse individuals have been “hard-hit” by the pandemic, where LGBT civil society groups need to be supported, and where LGBT individuals need protection mechanisms in place from state actors. Significantly, ASPIRE addresses the indirect discrimination gender and sex diverse individuals face.

Where government regulations and assistance during the pandemic have been painted as an “otherwise neutral provision or practice”, they do in fact disproportionately put populations with diverse SOGIE at a disadvantage. Some humanitarian actors have commentated that these barriers have not been acknowledged or addressed during ‘normal’, pre-pandemic times, and are now being further exacerbated during COVID-19.

Globally, most governments have turned their gaze inward: border closures, skirmishes to develop the COVID-19 vaccine, economic support packages that privilege some industries (and types of workers) over others, and other pandemic response mechanisms have further revealed what and who the state considers most valuable.

This is not hard to recognise in Australia, where ‘in’ vs ‘out’ groups have been repeatedly identified, elevated and subjugated. The Morrison administration’s economic stimulus packages clearly focused on propping up the ‘Australian-owned’ small business, whilst ignoring the plight of international students who became quickly othered—even being encouraged to “return to their home countries” as Morrison said verbatim. While this is not an instance of the exclusion of people with diverse SOGIE, it is demonstrative of the way in which states have used the COVID-19 pandemic to divide the ‘worthy’ from the ‘unworthy’.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the support of in-groups and rejection of out-groups has become more pronounced, as governments move to secure their state’s by looking inward: literally looking at who is and isn’t in the country as part of containing, reducing or eradicating the virus, and ontologically securing its borders from existential threats. This turn inward is just one part of a struggle to maintain power (including heteronormativity!) in the face of significant economic and social upheaval, as uncertainties and threats spurring from the pandemic–both physical and existential–have grown.

Hegemonic heteronormativity is always as explicit as telling some people to stay and some people to go and—as will be presented in this next section—as providing some people with access to the services and spaces that ensure a life worth living, and denying others these context-specific tools that would facilitate leading an equally dignified life. 

COVID-19 and diverse SOGIE communities in the global north

As noted in Equality Australia’s most recent report into the impact of COVID-19 on Australian LGBTIQ+ communities, directives given by state governments across the country remain at best blurry and at worst exclusionary for individuals that do not fit into rigid heteronormative frames. One example is that of social distancing guidelines that refer to ‘families’ and ‘households’. It remains unclear of their application to non-nuclear households where partners do not live together, or where ‘chosen’ families exist across multiple households.

The diverse SOGIE community is more likely to experience discrimination, violence and abuse from nuclear families than non-diverse SOGIE individuals, and for this reason are more likely to establish chosen families and close safety nets. Given this, such unassuming policy directives as the one just mentioned have real life implications for contributing to domestic violence and the infliction of psychological abuses on an already at-risk community.

Outright International identified that the lockdown restrictions imposed in Russia to protect individuals from the spread of COVID-19 was a highly isolating experience for the SOGIESC diverse community. Mikhail Tumasov, Chair of the Russian LGBT Network remarked that: “No one can go to LGBTIQ centers [sic] or events, as all have been cancelled, which is hard, especially in light of the hostile context we face in Russia”. In an increasingly repressive and homophobic country these closures have devastating consequences. For many young people who might still live at home, the closure of schools, community centres and places where queer communities gather made staying protected and connected incredibly difficult.

According to ILGA Europe, many countries have placed urgent elective surgeries on pause. In Scotland, this has meant transition-related surgeries have been cancelled, and the waitlist in the Gender Identity Clinic suspended. Many retailers of hormone replacement therapies are at full capacity, and with the addition of lockdown laws exacerbating precarious work and income scenarios, this has left many in the trans community unable to access important health services.

In each of these cases, seemingly “neutral” provisions to combat COVID-19 and ensure public safety had tangible, negative impacts for the diverse SOGIE community. These policies are rooted in assumptions and understandings of society that come back to hegemonic heteronormativity. If we are to protect all members of our community, it is this system of governance that demands critical analysis.

Hegemonic heteronormativity in pandemic responses: Purposeful exclusion and ‘business as usual’ policies

It is not just ‘neutral’ provisions that are impacting diverse SOGIE communities—some governments have used COVID-19 to further openly discriminatory agendas. It is no coincidence that as COVID-19 cases have risen globally, transgender individuals–those often most physically visible in the Western LGBTIQ+ spectrum–have been targeted.

In the US, transgender folks can now be refused access by healthcare professionals under the Trump administration’s erasure of non-discrimination protections. Boris Johnson’s plans in the UK to ease restrictions around legally changing one’s gender identity have been scrapped, and in Hungary, Orbán’s far-right government has seized the chance to legally tie gender to one’s chromosomes at birth, a wickedly overt move to ensure transgender identities are delegitimised in the eyes of the law.

In an overtly homophobic move by Poland (and eerily similar to Nazi-era ‘Judenfrei’ zones), one-third of Poland’s land-mass has been declared an ‘LGBT-free’ zone. Municipalities across a third of Poland support resolutions that deem LGBT+ activists’ work as threatening children, youth, families and schools with indoctrinating ideologies that go against the fundamental norms and values of Polish society.

Although one could put these actions down to a multitude of factors–fascist politics, self-interested elites, religious intolerance–there is an overarching system that is allowing, facilitating and reproducing the oppression and exclusion of diverse SOGIE identities: hegemonic heteronormativity. These policies have been designed to de-humanise the diverse SOGIE community at a time when collective recognition of humanity has never been more important. What purpose does legalising transphobia in the healthcare system serve, if not preventing trans folk from accessing healthcare? What purpose does tying gender to chromosomes serve, if not denying trans and non-binary folks from actualising their gender? These are questions we need allies in positions of power to ask, and for governments and humanitarian actors alike to address.

What next?

We know that homophobia and transphobia manifest in many ways—and COVID-19 has given us new examples of the ways in which heteronormativity appear covertly and overtly.

 These policies maintain and reinforce hegemonic heteronormativity. They demonstrate that guarantees to equal access can always be un-done, that all policies impact different people unevenly, and that heteronormativity creeps into our institutions and societies in multifaceted ways. Most importantly, they demonstrate the need for deep, structural change. It is obvious that ‘business as usual’ policies aren’t doing enough to ensure equality, nor promote the rights of the diverse SOGIE community during COVID-19 responses.

At a bare minimum this requires government’s acknowledgment that SOGIE diverse communities are being disproportionately impacted by COVID-19 restrictions, and that this is strongly linked to governance that is both guided and structured by heteronormative ideals.

It further necessitates a close relationship between LGBTIQ+ led civil society groups, and government. In the process of working toward strengthening these long-term connections, we must maintain emergency support services during the pandemic that ensure the inclusion and dignity of diverse SOGIE and SOGIESC communities. Just as the humanitarian sector has nascently begun to shift its thinking about gender (and, more recently, diverse SOGIE) in the context of disaster risk reduction, so too must we begin this work in public and community health epidemic and pandemic responses.

Un-doing, or even just ameliorating these inequalities, requires a nuanced and multi-pronged approach where government, international bodies and humanitarian and development actors work together to understand the needs of diverse SOGIE populations. This will not be our last health pandemic, nor will it be the last time that different crises overlap.

This article has focused on the inadequacies of global north governments in responding to the Novel Coronavirus as a single threat—a stand-alone disaster—that exacerbated pre-existing inequalities and inequities. In the future it is likely we will sit in the face of double (or perhaps triple, quadruple or quintuple) disasters, like has been experienced in the Pacific Island nations of Fiji and Vanuatu with Tropical Cyclone Harold intersecting with COVID-19 this year.

Important conversations need to be had at the international, national and community levels respectively. Watching the flailing and failing of governments in response to COVID-19 provides us with an opportunity to see where people with diverse SOGIE are most discriminated against, and how we should move forward. This is the first time that many nation states have collectively concerned themselves with citizens’ health over their economic contribution to national GDP. Economic recession has forced governments to pay higher unemployment benefits, for Australia moving jobseekers above the poverty line. Social welfare movements that are gaining traction like those promoting a Universal Basic Income if implemented would have serious positive implications for the diverse SOGIE community, that currently relies on precarious and greater-risk roles to sustain livelihoods.

What we know is that band-aid fixes are inadequate—that true inclusion requires structural change. In order to move forward, practitioners and community members need to work together to think critically about the ways in which heteronormativity is used as a governance tool to inform policy decisions and actions. Ultimately, we must ask ourselves whether our systems, institutions, bodies and leaders are working for everyone—including diverse SOGIE groups—or whether they are working to maintain the status quo.

LGBT Advocacy and Transnational Funding in Singapore and Malaysia

This academic article looks at the role of transnational funding of LGBT advocacy in Singapore and Malaysia. The author examines the effectiveness of such funding in the context of anti-LGBT sentiment in both Singapore and Malaysia which is framed in terms of anti-Western encroachment and influence from the global North. The article uses three case studies: Pink Dot Singapore, the PT Foundation and Kuala Lumpur activist workshops in Malaysia to assess the effectiveness of transnational funding of LGBT advocacy.

The article opens with a discussion of the development of transnational funding of LGBT advocacy. It also addresses the critiques of such funding. The article then looks at the historical and current context of what it is like to be LGBT in Singapore and Malaysia. The article highlights that homosexuality is currently illegal in both countries. The methodology of the research, which involved interviews with 20 Singaporean and Malaysian LGBT activists, is then outlined. Following this, the three case studies are examined in detail. The author notes that the case studies reveal that there is a growing number of LGBT-related issues that now attract transnational funding and that there is an increase in the type of entities which transnationally fund LGBT advocacy.

“Every Day I Live in Fear” – Violence and Discrimination Against LGBT People in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, and Obstacles to Asylum in the United States

This 162-page report looks at the discrimination and violence experienced by LGBT people from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. The report examines their experiences while in their countries of origin and while seeking asylum in the United States. The research involved 116 interviews with LGBT people from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. The research also included 93 interviews with government officials, NGO representatives, UN staff, lawyers and journalists. The report notes that there is currently a lack of statistics on the experiences of LGBT people in the countries studied.

The interviews also revealed the severe emotional, physical and economic discrimination and violence faced by LGBT people from El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. Given this situation, the report argues that the United States should be actively protecting LGBT asylum seekers, not deporting them back to their country of origin in which they are being persecuted.

Following the introduction, the report lists a series of recommendations on how to protect LGBT people. Distinct recommendations are directed at the government and state departments of the United States, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras. Then, the report outlines the methodology and background to the report. The respective situations in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras relating to sexual orientation and gender identity, violence against LGBT people and discrimination is then examined. Following the analysis of each country the report then looks at the different obstacles that LGBT people face when trying to seek asylum in the United States. Extracts from the interviews are presented throughout the report. Lastly, the obligations of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras under international human rights law to protect LGBT people and address discrimination and violence perpetrated against them is discussed in detail.

Developing Actionable Research Priorities for LGBTI Inclusion

This academic article highlights which areas of research should be prioritised to promote LGBTI inclusion. The article notes the distinct lack of data across the world on the lives and experiences of LGBTI people, particularly in relation to their human rights. The authors consulted with activists and researchers and examined reports, including the findings of the UNDP LGBTI Inclusion index consultation process in order to establish a list of research priorities to further LGBTI inclusion in the areas of health, education, economics and political participation.

The authors note that research has already proved a powerful tool in advancing the human rights of LGBTI people in many countries and highlight cases of the use of such research. For example, they highlight that research demonstrating that LGBTI parents raise healthy children has assisted litigation on child custody laws and marriage equality. In section two of the article the authors discuss how national and global data that already exists but is underused could be used by researchers and policy makers to address some of the current gaps in knowledge on LGBTI inclusion. In section three the authors then outline the areas in which new data is required. Moreover, they discuss the need to construct global research infrastructure and suggest how such a framework could be established. Section four concludes the paper by offering a summary of what the long-term vision of a world-wide research framework and community on LGBTI inclusion could look like.

Lessons from Gay and Lesbian Activism in Asia: The Importance of Context, Pivotal Incidents and Connection to a Larger Vision

This academic article examines the factors that influence the success of gay and lesbian activism in Asia. The article looks specifically at the jurisdictions of Hong Kong, China, Singapore, Taiwan and Malaysia. The article assesses the role of the political, religious and cultural contexts of each jurisdiction to examine how these factors impact the success of gay and lesbian activism. The article concludes that success is often influenced by activists ability to use incidents that will create public empathy towards gay and lesbian people.

The article begins by providing an overview of the legal status of gay and lesbian people in each of the five jurisdictions. The article then compares the similarities and differences between the jurisdictions to highlight which factors may help or hinder gay and lesbian activism. Factors that commonly lead to success for gay and lesbian activists, including the strategic use of key events and the ability to frame equal rights as a cause that affects everyone, are then discussed. The article concludes with four key recommendations for activists who are promoting the human rights of sexual minorities.